President R.R. Duterte’s brand of management may be described as autocratic and Asian paternalistic. He is a permissive autocrat. He decides unilaterally, but gives his alter egos some leeway to enforce the decision. This style is helpful in times of crisis. But its drawbacks could include the absence of new ideas, preference for subordinates waho are loyal, dissipation of the intelligent and competent workers, and organizational decay, which is a “condition of generalized and systemic ineffectiveness.”
Duterte’s management style is also Asian paternalistic. He makes decisions based on what he thinks is in the best interest of his constituents. Communication is autocratic. He hates criticisms or negative feedback. He hates to be told what to do because he thinks he knows better. A nourishment to this mindset is his victory in the 2016 presidential elections. The model is a father as manager and his children as the obedient staff, with the mother merely taking a supporting role if not virtually absent. The approach is collectivist: “we make decisions as a family and the decision is final. Thus, if you’re not with us, you’re against us.” There’s obviously a downside to this style as first year management students would point out. But it is not easy to shift to another style if the manager himself refuses to see the problems related to his management philosophy.
Philippines Observer
Key words: Philippine culture, development, governance, politics, religion, society.
Monday, January 22, 2018
Tuesday, September 27, 2016
On Wars, Atrocities, Violence
Yes, we need to remember our barbaric ways towards one another -- the piratical raids by marauders who were Muslims, the violence inflicted by the colonizers (from the Spaniards to the Americans), the atrocities committed by the government (from Aguinaldo to the present), the excesses undertaken by the revolutionaries or rebel forces (Katipunan, RAM, NPA, MNLF, MILF, BIFF), the killings against the innocents, the suspects, and those involved in illegal drugs, etc. We need to face the dark truth: we are a people prone to violence. It is in our blood. It is in our DNA. Our earliest forefathers had to defend their families and tribes against wild nature and other human beings.
Such state stays with us. You go to any kanto in the Philippines, and see how little boys behave towards strangers. Where did these boys learn about being a wolf to others? Well from the movies, television programs, their environment, our households. Perhaps we need a civil war to put a closure to our state of violence. Or perhaps a miracle will do.
Take your pick.
On Two Lunas, Two Mabinis
The deaths of Bonifacio and Luna were deadly blows to the Philippine Revolution and the Philippine-American War. To some extent, these were sadly justifiable to keep the revolution in tact. But the deaths wouldn't have been necessary if our revolutionary leaders exercised a little bit more of maturity. That they were young was a given. That they sacrificed their lives and comfort for freedom was admirable. That the enemies had superior arms and more discipline individually and as an organization were odds not in favor of the divided, ill armed and less organized revolutionaries. That traitors were used to defeat the Filipinos is a bitter truth to swallow.
As inheritors of our past, we need to ask ourselves now who are the real enemies of our present generation, as well as recognize the present day traitors who keep our country a hostage to new forms of colonialization. We are a great nation that fought three of the greatest empires the world has ever seen. But we need to be more mature, more circumspect, more disciplined and more united than ever before to secure for ourselves and our children a future that we all can be proud of.
Monday, August 6, 2012
On the RH Bill
The proposed law defines reproductive health as “the state
of complete physical, mental and social well-being and not merely the absence
of disease or infirmity, in all matters relating to the reproductive system and
to its functions and processes”.
The
proponents of the bill cite the following grounds for its enactment into law:
- Protect the health & lives of mothers;
- Save babies;
- Respond to the majority who want smaller families;
- Promote equity for poor families;
- Prevent induced abortions;
- Support and deploy more public midwives, nurses and doctors;
- Guarantee funding for & equal access to health facilities;
- Give accurate & positive sexuality education to young people;
- Reduce cancer deaths, and
- Save money that can be used for even more social spending.
Those who
oppose the bill, the Catholic Bishops Conference of the Philippines (CBCP) in
particular, argue that:
- It does not protect the health of the sacred human life that is being formed or born. The very name “contraceptive” already reveals the anti-life nature of the means that the RH bill promotes;
- Contraceptives are hazardous to a woman’s health;
- Many scientific analysts themselves wonder why prevalent contraceptive use sometimes raises the abortion rate;
- Contraceptives provide a false sense of security that takes away the inhibition to sexual activity;
- Condoms provide a false security that strongly entices individuals towards increased sexual activity, increasing likewise the incidence of HIV/AIDS;
- “Safe sex” to prevent HIV /AIDS is false propaganda;
- Conscience must certainly be enlightened and guided by religious and moral teachings provided by various religious and cultural traditions regarding the fundamental dignity and worth of human life;
- The causes of our poverty are: flawed philosophies of development, misguided economic policies, greed, corruption, social inequities, lack of access to education, poor economic and social services, poor infrastructures, etc.;
- Use of public funds for contraceptives and sterilization is objectionable, and
- Compulsory sex education that would effectively let parents abdicate their primary role of educating their own children, especially in an area of life – sexuality – which is a sacred gift of God is condemnable.
My
personal stance regarding this issue is that the State has the responsibility
to provide reproductive health services to the citizens, particularly the poor
women. However, the State must not commit error by allowing its instrumentalities,
particularly the government, to use products and techniques that will lead to a
human act that endangers, per se, any
human life. Abortifacients (substances that induce abortion) should not be
allowed as a State policy.
Stakeholders
must therefore come up with a consensus on the socially and morally acceptable
birth control techniques and under what conditions should they be allowed.
Those who advocate any type of contraceptives must do so within an atmosphere
of free market of ideas. They may sell, give, or distribute any contraceptives,
but they must ensure that the intended beneficiaries understand the nature and
effects of such contraceptives.
On
the issue of mandatory sex education, there must be an acceptable formula to
make this possible. The State, through the government, should not dictate how
this should be done at the classroom level. Parents, teachers, school
administrators, and the children should have a say how to best handle this
matter.
The
health status of families, especially mothers and children, are horrible
enough. We cannot solve these problems solely and primarily by birth control.
We have to change the conditions that brought about the high maternal mortalities
and infant deaths, among others. My humble suggestions on how these should be
done include the following:
- Establish institutions to take good care of unwanted children by providing reproductive services to women who have unwanted pregnancies;
- Prescribe and maintain minimum standards for communities, especially residential areas, to discourage unplanned and informal settlements;
- Provide effective information, education and communication programs to change the behaviors of the target audience (spacing birth, breast feeding, etc.);
- Set up support mechanism for children who are neither sent to school nor treated well, and provide penalty regulatory approaches for irresponsible parents, and
- Design and implement interventions that will enhance the standard of living of the poor families.
Tuesday, June 12, 2012
Tragedy of Philippine Independence
The Philippine Daily
Inquirer, in its Editorial today, laments:
Why aren’t we as animated with our Independence Day as other countries are with theirs. A strong cause of the rather limp nationalism may be the record of failures of the Philippine nation-state. The first republic of Asia can’t ever seem to get its act together so that more than a century after declaring its independence, the Philippine economy and development remains a relative laggard when compared with its neighbors, which achieved their independence much later.
It is not hard to see why
the present generation of Filipinos doesn’t seem to care much about the Independence
Day celebration of the Philippines.
In the first place, there
was really no independence that took place. The Philippine Declaration of
Independence on June 12, 1898 in the town of Cavite-Viejo, Province of Cavite
made the country a protectorate of the United States. This was the belief
of Apolinario Mabini, who insisted that another proclamation be done in
Malolos, Bulacan.
The Declaration read in
Cavite-Viejo said in part:
And having as witness to the rectitude of our intentions the Supreme Judge of the Universe, and under the protection of the Powerful and Humanitarian Nation, the United State of America, we do hereby proclaim and declare solemnly in the name and by authority of the people of these Philippine Islands, that they are and have the right to be free and independent; that they ceased to have any allegiance to the Crown of Spain; that all political ties between them are and should be completely severed and annulled…
In the second place, the
road to the declaration of independence was filled with blood, sweat, tears and
shame.
On the part of the United
States, it broke its traditional version of Manifest Destiny (a people
not capable of rising to statehood should never be annexed) and acquired
the Philippines as a colony, rather than as a protectorate. The Americans
considered the Filipinos as barbarians; hence, President McKinley could only
say,
"There was nothing left for us to do but to take them all, and to educate the Filipinos, and uplift and civilize and Christianize them…."
They did not bother to know
that a number of Filipinos were already attending schools and universities
in the Philippines and in European countries. They did not bother to check
if, after more than 300 years of Spanish colonization, the Filipinos were not
yet Catholics!
Mabini, in his book “The
Philippine Revolution” analyzed this situation and lamented:
Undoubtedly President McKinley destroyed the Spanish tyranny, but, apparently, only in order to replace it with another in the American manner. It is interesting to observe that the Republican Party, led by a Lincoln in its beginnings, freed many millions of slaves in the United States, while, led by a McKinley in its greatest period of vigour and prosperity, it made the United States the absolute owner of many millions of Filipinos. Immortal Washington, speaking of the Constitution of the United States, said that so long as the civic virtues did not wholly vanish among the classes of North-American society, the distribution of powers made in that Constitution would not permit an unjust policy to become permanent. God grant that the Americans do not, forget the father of their country, or defraud his fond hopes!
On the part of the
Philippines, a number of critical incidents continue to haunt the integrity of
the Philippine Independence.
These critical incidents include the following:
- Opposition to the election of Andres Bonifacio as director of the interior of a central government (to replace the Katipunan) on the ground that he was not educationally qualified;
- Andres Bonifacio’s non-recognition of the proceedings of the meeting and actions that threaten the continued existence of the fragile revolutionary movement;
- Arrest, trial and execution of Andres Bonifacio and his brother – which eventually demoralized the revolutionary movement;
- Surrender of the revolutionaries
to the Spanish authorities after receiving payments;
- Lack of plan, guns, competencies
and discipline to fight the Americans;
- Murder of General Luna at the hands of soldiers he had court-martialed for abandoning their posts and disobeying his orders, and
- Rape of Filipinas by Filipino
soldiers.
Mabini summed up the
Philippine Revolution in this way:
[T]he Revolution failed because it was badly led; because its leader won his post by reprehensible rather than meritorious acts; because instead of supporting the men most useful to the people, he made them useless out of jealousy. Identifying the aggrandizement of the people with his own, he judged the worth of men not by their ability, character and patriotism but rather by their degree of friendship and kinship with him; and anxious to secure the readiness of his favorites tosacrifice themselves for him, he was tolerant even of their transgressions. Because he thus neglected the people forsook him; and forsaken by the people, he was bound to fall like a waxen idol melting in the heat of adversity. God grant we do not forget such a terrible lesson, learnt at the cost of untold suffering.
The End Did Not Justify the Means
Originally posted on Wednesday, May 30, 2012
That former Chief Justice Renato Corona has been impeached by the House
of Representatives and convicted by the Impeachment Court is now water under
the bridge.
But what is worthy of attention are the means by which the House of
Representatives impeached Mr. Corona and how the Impeachment Court facilitated
the trial. The operational principle is “the end does not justify the means”.
It is wrong to convict an individual person if the rights of that person are
violated in the process. It is evil to do wrong to make good happen.
The Prosecutors failed to prove Mr. Corona’s guilt. It was Mr. Corona
himself who convinced the Senators that he violated certain laws.
Be that as it may, it was improper for the House to transmit the
articles of impeachment under a dark smog of doubt. It was certainly not
transparent. It was simply not good governance. It was simply not daang
matuwid. In addition, the Prosecutors were in a fishing expedition to pin
down the accused, using the resources of the instrumentalities of the State.
The Senate, instead of correcting the faulty process, in the end became
a reluctant accomplice.
I wonder whether the entire twists and turns of the impeachment are
simply full of fire and fury signifying nothing. I wonder whether they are
actually worthy in the altar of public service.
There is no sense in fighting evil with evil. There is no sense in using
the State’s instrumentalities to commit violence. That is not exercise of
power. That is abuse of authority, which emanates from the Sovereign Filipino
People.
Monday, May 28, 2012
Bottomline in Corona’s Impeachment Trial
Much has been said about the use and abuse of government’s
resources to prove that Philippine Supreme Court Chief Justice Renato Corona is
no longer fit to continue holding his office, that Mr. Chief Justice Corona is
an obstacle in carrying out anti-corruption initiatives in the country, that the House of Representatives rushed the
transmittal of an ill-prepared articles of impeachment, that the Senate
Impeachment Court should discontinue the trial and drop the charges, that the
case against Mr. Chief Justice Corona is an act of vengeance by President Aquino
due to reasons that include Mr. Corona’s alleged bias regarding Supreme Court cases
involving the Hacienda Luisita, former Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo, etc.
It boils down to this: Mr. Chief Justice Corona failed to include
in his Statement of Assets, Liabilities and Net Worth (SALN) the peso
equivalent of his dollar deposit and his share of the commingled funds
deposited under his name.
Such act is a violation of Section 17, Article XI of the
1987 Constitution,which states that a “public
officer or employee shall, upon assumption of office and as often thereafter as
may be required by law, submit a declaration under oath of his assets,
liabilities, and net worth. In the case of the President, the Vice-President,
the Members of the Cabinet, the Congress, the Supreme Court, the Constitutional
Commissions and other constitutional offices, and officers of the armed forces
with general or flag rank, the declaration shall be disclosed to the public in
the manner provided by law”.
Such act is also a violation of Section 8 (A) of Republic Act
No. 6713 (Code of Conduct and Ethical Standards for Pubic Officials and Employees), which provides that “All public officials and employees … shall file
under oath their Statement of Assets, Liabilities and Net Worth and a
Disclosure of Business Interests and Financial Connections and those of their
spouses and unmarried children under eighteen (18) years of age living
in their households. The two documents shall contain the following: a) real
property, its improvements, acquisition costs, assessed value and current fair
market value; b) personal property and acquisition cost; c) all
other assets such as investments, cash on hand or in banks, stocks, bonds, and
the like; d) liabilities, and e) all business interests and financial
connections.”
In addition, such act is a violation of Section 7 of Republic Act No.
3019 (Anti-Graft and Corrupt Practices Act) which provides that “Every
public officer, within 30 days after assuming office … shall prepare and file …
a
true, detailed sworn statement of assets and liabilities, including a statement
of the amounts and sources of his income, the amounts of his personal
and family expenses and the amount of income taxes paid for the next preceding
calendar year.”
By his own admission, Mr. Chief Justice Corona has $2.4
million in deposits and P80.7 million in commingled funds. His defense that the
dollar deposit is covered by Republic Act No. 6426 (Foreign Currency Deposit
System) does not hold water. Section 4 of RA No. 6426 states that "All foreign currency deposits authorized under this Act ... are hereby declared and considered as of an absolutely confidential nature and, except upon the written permission of the depositor, in no instance shall foreign currency desposits be examined, inquired or looked into by any person, government official, bureau or office whether judicial or administrative or legislative, or any other entity whether public or private. Mr. Chief
Justice Corona would not have violated this law if he included in his SALN the
peso equivalent of his dollar deposit. His defense that the commingled fund is
not his own asset does not also hold water. Mr. Chief Justice Corona would have
not violated any law if he included in his SALN the total commingled fund and
his share of that fund.
Section 11 of RA No. 6713 provides the following:
“(a)
Any public official or employee … committing any violation of this Act shall be punished with a fine not exceeding
the equivalent of six (6) months' salary or suspension not exceeding one (1)
year, or removal depending on the gravity of the offense after due notice
and hearing by the appropriate body or agency. If the violation is punishable
by a heavier penalty under another law, he shall be prosecuted under the latter
statute. Violations
of Sections 7, 8 or 9 of this Act shall be punishable with imprisonment not
exceeding five (5) years, or a fine not exceeding five thousand pesos (P5,000),
or both, and, in the discretion of
the court of competent jurisdiction, disqualification to hold public office…
and
(b)
Any violation hereof proven in a proper administrative proceeding shall be
sufficient cause for removal or dismissal of a public official or employee,
even if no criminal prosecution is instituted against him.”
The laws are clear. The laws must be implemented. Dura lex sed lex (Law is harsh, but it's the law).
Monday, January 16, 2012
On Rappler's Comments to UST
As a concerned citizen of this Republic, I am bothered by the statements of Rappler on UST’s granting of a doctorate to Mr. Chief Justice, Renato Corona. I am not an admirer of Corona, but I defend his right to earn his doctorate with honors, especially that he completed it despite the demands of his work and family.
Issue 1: Why did UST bend its rules and waive its dissertation requirements for Corona?
UST did not bend its rules and waive its dissertation requirements. Corona delivered a “scholarly treatise” in a public lecture. This is equivalent to a dissertation. Note that other universities in Japan and Europe, the equivalent of a dissertation can be “essays” or an article “published in a refereed journal”. In some PhD programs around the world, dissertation, as Ms. Vitug probably understands it, is no longer required.
If Rappler doubts that Corona’s lecture is not equivalent to a dissertation, I challenge Rappler to do a comparative study of related dissertations among Philippine universities.
Issue 2: Why was he given top honors, summa cum laude, when he had overstayed?
Corona spent an equivalent of seven years to complete his PhD. Seven years is the maximum residency requirement. The UST Graduate School Student’s handbook provides that “As a general rule, a PhD degree program may be completed in five (5) years, i.e., enrolled for at least ten (10) semesters or summer terms. The maximum residency for the PhD program is seven (7) years…Students who overstayed beyond the maximum residency must take reactivation courses.” Granting that Corona overstayed, he could take reactivation courses.
The top honors given to Corona was based on his grades. If he is that good academically, then let him earn what he deserves.
Comments to Rappler
Code 1 of the Journalist's Code of Ethics as adopted by the National Union of Journalists of the Philippines states that “I shall scrupulously report and interpret the news, taking care not to suppress essential facts nor to distort the truth by omission or improper emphasis.” Why did Ms. Vitug failed to check the UST Student’s Handbook, which is available at the website of the University, to determine the veracity of the accusations contained in her write up?
Code 11 states that “When in doubt, decency should be my watchword”. Where is decency when Ms. Vitug’s write up was published by the Inquirer without getting the side of UST (see check Codes 1 and 4 of the Code of Ethics)? Why did she not interview the Dean and faculty members of the UST Graduate School to get their side of the story?
As a former journalist, I feel bad each time I watch reputations destroyed by practitioners of free press. Ms. Vitug is a recognized practitioner of free press, but I am disappointed that she committed conflict of interest and violated the Journalist's Code of Ethics in the pursuit of producing a “ripple” without “rap”, probably forgetting that what Rappler claims as the meaning of “rap” is similar to dissertātiō (Latin), meaning "discourse", which is the etymology for the word dissertation.
Wednesday, December 21, 2011
Sendong
The national and local governments should be accountable for what happened to the victims of Sendong. Dapat merong mananagot. That's one of the principles of good governance. And the barangay and city officials and P-Noy, being the chairman of the Climate Change Commission, are the primary duty bearers.
It is not enough to explain the disaster, like attribute it partly to the complacency of the ordinary citizens. It is not hard to see why complacency, poor city planning, proliferation of urban slums, destructive mining, and deforestation are factors that increase people's vulnerability to disasters. That is why in 2009, P-noy signed into law the Climate Change Act that mandates the national and local governments to formulate and implement Local Climate Change Action Plans. But where are the plans?
Governor Joey Salceda of Albay has shown the way to climate change adaptation and disaster risk reduction. P-noy should start watching the performance of his former classmate rather than that of Valerie Conception (no pun intended).
It is not enough to explain the disaster, like attribute it partly to the complacency of the ordinary citizens. It is not hard to see why complacency, poor city planning, proliferation of urban slums, destructive mining, and deforestation are factors that increase people's vulnerability to disasters. That is why in 2009, P-noy signed into law the Climate Change Act that mandates the national and local governments to formulate and implement Local Climate Change Action Plans. But where are the plans?
Governor Joey Salceda of Albay has shown the way to climate change adaptation and disaster risk reduction. P-noy should start watching the performance of his former classmate rather than that of Valerie Conception (no pun intended).
Monday, November 28, 2011
Right to Travel
The denial of Gloria’s right to travel, prior to the issuance of a warrant of arrest, violated the constitution. The executive department during the Gloria-Macapagal administration committed a grave mistake by arrogating unto itself powers, which are supposedly provided by the Administrative Code, but are contrary to the provisions of the Constitution. The Aquino administration is continuing such grave mistake.
I disagree with Fr. Joaquin Bernas on his opinion that the Supreme Court should be obeyed in as far as the TROs are concerned. But I agree with his position that there was no sufficient and reasonable basis, prior to the issuance of the warrant of arrest, to violate a constitutional right (right to travel). The curtailment of such right is based on a reading of the Administration Code, which could not supersede the constitutional provision.
The principle is simple, it was not right to violate Gloria's right to travel on the ground that she may be charged with an offense in court or that she may not return to face the charges. We can never eat the fruits of a poisonous tree without any negative consequence. We were mad when Gloria used the travel ban during her term. We should be mad when anyone uses this travel ban now.
I disagree with Fr. Joaquin Bernas on his opinion that the Supreme Court should be obeyed in as far as the TROs are concerned. But I agree with his position that there was no sufficient and reasonable basis, prior to the issuance of the warrant of arrest, to violate a constitutional right (right to travel). The curtailment of such right is based on a reading of the Administration Code, which could not supersede the constitutional provision.
The principle is simple, it was not right to violate Gloria's right to travel on the ground that she may be charged with an offense in court or that she may not return to face the charges. We can never eat the fruits of a poisonous tree without any negative consequence. We were mad when Gloria used the travel ban during her term. We should be mad when anyone uses this travel ban now.
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