The appoinment of the Abads in government and the role of delicadeza

The first thing that came to my mind when I learned about the appointments of the Abads in government positions is the saying: Those whom the gods wish to destroy, they first make mad. This is an ancient wisdom that the Romans learned from the Greeks. Some say that this is wrongly attributed to Euripides, who is the last of the famous tragedians of classical Athens.

I grant, however, that this statement does not apply exactly to the Abads, the now famous family in the Philippine political landscape. It applies to all of us if we allow ourselves to be deluded by the logic behind the appointments of the Abads in government.

The Abads hail from Batanes. Budget Secretary Florencio “Butch” Abad is a former 4-term representative of Batanes, former agrarian reform secretary, former education secretary, a member of the Hyatt 10, general campaign manager of the Liberal Party in the May 2010 elections, holder of degrees in business management and law from Ateneo de Manila University, a lawyer, and holder of a master’s degree in public administration from Harvard University’s Kennedy School of Government as a fellow of the Edward Mason Program in Public Policy and Management.

Henedina Razon Abad, wife of Mr. Abad, is starting a second term as representative of Batanes. She earned a degree in economics at Maryknoll (now Miriam) College, took up credits for a master’s degree in applied anthropology and sociology at Ateneo de Manila University, and completed a master’s degree in public administration from Harvard University’s Kennedy School of Government.

Julia, daughter of the Abads, served as P-Noy’s chief of staff when he was senator, and now serves as chief of the Presidential Management Staff (PMS). She earned her bachelor’s degree in Communications at Ateneo de Manila University, completed her masters in public policy as a Fulbright scholar at Harvard, served as program officer of the Asia Pacific Philanthropy Consortium and as a consultant of the Gearing up Internet Literacy and Access for Students, worked as a writer for Ayala Foundation and as an executive assistant of then Social Welfare Secretary Corazon Soliman, and is a former “citizen participation intern” of the Washington-based National Democratic Institute.

Julia’s brother, Luis, is Finance Secretary Cesar Purisima’s chief of staff. He earned a bachelor’s degree in economics with summa cum laude from Ateneo de Manila University (2007), former president of Ateneo Sanggunian and the Union of Catholic Student Councils, and awarded as one of the Ten Outstanding Students of the Philippines

There is no doubt that the Abads have a high level of competence to perform their public functions. No one could question the integrity of the Abads. They are descendants of a family that opposed the Marcos dictatorship. And they have consistently fought the evils that made a mockery of governance in this country.

The Need for Delicadeza

Leonor Briones defines delicadeza as “behavior anchored on generally accepted moral standards”. For Ducky Paredes, the “closest translations” are “daintiness” or “tactfulness” -- words that are easily found in dictionaries. In the Philippines, Paredes says, delicadeza also means “sensibilidad” or “knowing what the right thing is and abiding by what is prudent, especially if, by choosing to be imprudent, one favors oneself”. He adds: “There is also a sense in our understanding of the word that the antonym of “delicadeza” is “kawalanghiyaan.”

Conrad de Quiros writes that the “essence of public service is to show delicadeza, fineness, a sense of propriety to not even want to get into public service if it will compromise your president”. He thinks that the “Tagalog puts it best: Mahiya-hiya ka naman”.

Delicadeza has something to do with the term discretion, which means the ability to make a responsible individual decision, choice or judgment by carefully considering all circumstances and possible consequences. Delicadeza, therefore, simply means exercising discretion. Such, exercise of discretion, needless to say, must be done carefully – a concept that I learned from a Spanish citizen working in the Philippines when I asked him for the closest equivalent in English of the Spanish concept.

But why should there be utmost care when one exercises discretion as a public official?

Republic Act No. 6713 or the “Code of Conduct and Ethical Standards for Public Officials and Employees” that is authored by former Senate President Jovito R. Salonga, chairman emeritus of the Liberal Party of which Butch Abad serves as a vice president, provides, among others, that public officials should “uphold public interest over personal interest,” and “shall endeavor to discourage wrong perceptions of their roles as dispensers or peddlers of undue patronage”.

Now, Robert Klitgaard includes discretion in his famous formula on corruption: C = M + D – A or Corruption = Monopoly + Discretion – Accountability. On the matter of discretion, Klitgaard says that systems can promote integrity by clarifying discretion. I beg to differ a little bit about Klitgaard’s view of discretion

My humble opinion is that discretion, per se, does not contribute to a corrupt action. In fact, the highest possible level of exercise of discretion is needed to control corruption. Corruption occurs partly due to poor discretion. When one fails to make a responsible decision, that means one has poor discretion. In relation to RA 6713, there is poor discretion when one fails to discourage “wrong perceptions” as regards one’s appointment to a public position. In relation to the case of the Abads, there is poor discretion when they fail to discourage “wrong perceptions” about the possibility that they might abuse their power by accepting three senior positions in the executive branch, not to mention the position that the lawmaker Abad will gain in the House of Representatives.

Abuse of power or authority, whether as a fact or as a possibility, is something that people, who adhere to the rule of law, abhor. The various ways by which the exercise of power is checked or limited are reflected in procedures, guidelines, rules and regulations that are in place in the three co-equal branches of government – legislative, executive, and the judiciary. The reason is simple: a human being is by nature good but has the tendency to do evil; hence, every conceivable way of preventing a person from committing evil should be done.

Going back to the Abads, they have “capabilities, qualification and integrity,” says President Benigno Aquino. And they have not been involved in any wrongdoing, he added.

Presidential Spokesman Edwin Lacierda called the criticism against the Abads as “speculative.” He stressed: “They have not been tainted with any allegations of graft or corruption so it's all speculative.”

For her part, Representative Abad claims that they “have always advocated good governance, so people can look at how we perform”. She said: “in the end our performance would also speak for itself.”

The bottomline is this: human beings tend to commit evil. This potentiality should be prevented. This is the context why the historian and moralist John Emerich Edward Dalberg wrote a letter to Bishop Mandell Creighton in 1887: "Power tends to corrupt, and absolute power corrupts absolutely. Great men are almost always bad men."

I have not received an education from Harvard University and Ateneo de Manila University but I can see clearly what is wrong with the Abads holding power in government: they might abuse power, they might be corrupted by power, and they might commit mistakes.

Mr. Aquino said he is not violating any law. I think he is misinformed. RA 6713 provides that public officials, among others, should “uphold public interest over personal interest,” and “shall endeavor to discourage wrong perceptions of their roles as dispensers or peddlers of undue patronage”.

Butch Abad said they are not actually wielding much power in government. Besides, he said: “We didn’t ask to be appointed.” I disagree. I think this is where delicadeza should apply. It is not good to create the impression that one is wielding so much power. And it is not good to create the impression that an appointment in government, no matter how questionable, is okay as long as one did not ask for it.

The intention of the Abads to serve the government, I must say, is laudable. No, the intention is not just laudable. The intention is noble. Unfortunately, the road to hell is paved with good intentions (with apologies to Saint Bernard of Clairvaux).

Being Critical of the Aquino Administration

I am not critical of the Aquino administration if by critical means being “inclined to judge severely and find fault”. I was critical of the administration of Gloria-Macapagal Arroyo. So much so that I stopped posting a blog after writing that she should step down as a result of the dark cloud of doubt that engulfed her election in 2004.

Personally, I like the new president for his simplicity and sincerity. I had the chance to listen and watch his interviews on television. It is hard not to admire a fresh face and a new voice in the country’s political landscape. An admiration that is in stark contrast to what one normally feels upon seeing the face or hearing the voice of the former president.

I am proud of our new president.

So much so that if he or his administration commits mistakes, I have to be critical of such mistakes so that there will be time for alternative courses of action. I will not be critical of the administration just for the sake of being critical. I shall endeavor to engage the administration in constructive criticism hoping that such rule of engagement will make whatever difference in my personal, social, community or national life.

For instance, I do not think it was nice for the president not to acknowledge Chief Justice Corona of the Supreme Court during his Inaugural Speech given the fact that he acknowledged by name the Senate President and the Speaker of the House of Representatives. Without necessarily imputing intentions or motives to the president, I think that such omission was tantamount to a clear breach of decorum. If the president is unhappy that Corona did not resign his position as chief justice of the Supreme Court, then he must contest the possible “midnight” appointment of Corona using the force of reason and the rule of law. If the president simply missed to acknowledge Mr. Corona, then I think he should have conveyed an apology to Mr. Corona.

Not that I am happy that Corona was appointed as head of the high court. Personally, I think Corona should resign his position, citing national interest, national reconciliation, or plain delicadeza and common sense. I think people will think more highly of him if he voluntarily vacates his position. Hopefully, the new president will also think highly of him and then refuse to accept his resignation.

This is not to say also that I do not recognize the process that went through the appointment of Mr. Corona. The legal aspects of his appointment have been discussed quite thoroughly. As a citizen, however, I think that an appointment can be legal but not necessarily proper. 


Appointments to public positions require public trust. If the appointing officer, with whom such trust is entrusted, is under serious doubt, thereby making the process of appointment questionable, then it would have been better if the appointment was not made or the person who benefited from such appointment relinquishes the position in order to safeguard or restore whatever credibility is left on the high court. 


I am, therefore, arguing on meta-legal grounds. Indeed, there are more things on heaven and on earth than are dreamed of in our laws and jurisprudence.

Another instance is the rendition by popular Filipino artists of songs that were meant to kill the time, rather than inspire the people in attendance, so that the speech of the new president will be on the desired moment. Those insertions marred the solemnity of the occasion. Although I respect the right of the artists to express their creative powers, it should have been done during the party held at Quezon Memorial Circle, where the new president shared a festive moment with friends, supporters and admirers.

I have no illusion of grandeur. I do not feel that I am important. I am just a blogger. As an ordinary citizen, I shall write what I think and think what I write. But in a manner that will not violate the right of other people. My intention is simply to share what I think with the hope that other citizens will express their thoughts and feelings to make our country a better place to live in.

So help us God.

The Bad and the Good News

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The Bad News

The bad news is that President Benigno Simeon C. Aquino probably became president mainly on the strength of the votes of the Iglesia ni Cristo. Aquino received 15,208,678 votes while former president Joseph Ejercito Estrada garnered 9,487,837 votes. The difference is 5,720,841 votes, still within the low estimate of the votes that the Iglesia could accordingly deliver in a national election. If his closest rival in the 2010 presidential elections, former Joseph Ejercito Estrada, received the political blessings of the Iglesia ni Cristo, then he could be the 15th president of the republic.

That his inaugural speech managed to stir emotions on many of the citizens, regardless of political persuasions, social backgrounds, and economic standing, can be attributed to the fact that he defined himself and his mode of governance as the exact opposite of that of his predecessor, former President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo. Ms. Arroyo presided over nine years of despicable rule punctuated by some accomplishments and good intentions that made many people unsure to take part in efforts to unseat her from office. If the French revolution ended by beheading their king and crowning Napoleon, then EDSA Two ended by removing Estrada and installing Arroyo.

The rise of the son of martyred parents can be attributed to a number of important factors, such as his parent’s reputation, the love and respect that many people nurture for his mother, former President Corazon C. Aquino, his quaint image as someone unlike a traditional politician despite being a descendant of a political dynasty, the unusually awful appeal of the outgoing administration, the absence of an experienced and respected presidential candidate who could command loyalty, admiration and votes, and the contribution and efforts of the thousands of volunteers and supporters.

The apparent lack of preparations on the part of the new president is discernable from the way Memorandum Circular No. 1 was drafted, issued, recalled, and then transmitted to the bureaucracy, as well as from the manner by which appointments to the cabinet and other key positions are done. MC No. 1 -- which declared all positions appointed by the president and occupied by officials who have no career executive service officer (CESO) eligibility as vacant as of June 30, 2010 -- was formulated without consulting the Civil Service Commission (CSC), the agency that takes charge of the human resources of the government. The appointments to cabinet and other key positions are still incomplete and the choice of cabinet members is, to a large extent, made on the basis of personal and political affiliations rather than competence.

The appointment of Dr. Ramon Paje as secretary of the Department of Environment and Natural Resources (DENR) is a case in point. To his credit, Dr. Paje has been with the DENR since 1990s as an assistant secretary, one of the youngest holders of that position in government around that time. Dr. Paje, however, has a level of performance that is similar to that of the president when he was still a member of the House of Representatives and the Senate of the Philippines – mediocre.

Stated differently, the appointments of president Aquino do not convey the message that he projected in his inaugural speech. And the bad news is, he is beginning to show signs that he is becoming what he promised not to be.

The Good News

President Aquino still has nearly six years to become what he said he will be. His insistence on the no wang-wang policy is admirable. His decision to keep the Director General of the Philippine National Police, Jesus A. Verzosa, is commendable. His mere presence in the current political landscape simply evokes pride, joy and optimism.

His appointment of Mr. Butch Abad as head of the Department of Budget and Management (DBM) is better compared to an earlier hint that Mr. Abad will get back the Department of Education (DepEd) portfolio. It has been suggested by some quarters that someone who at least has an earned doctorate should head the basic education department given the fact that many of the employees of that agency have postgraduate degrees. Thus, the appointment of the president of De La Salle University (DLSU) to the basic education portfolio, Brother Armin Luistro, is a curious case. Brother Luistro does not hold a doctorate but his being a former president of DLSU is a possible equivalent qualification. That Brother Luistro was among the few who called for the resignation of Arroyo at the height of the “Hello Garci” scandal in 2004 is another story. And so is the appointment of Mr. Abad’s daughter as head of the Presidential Management Staff.

The Philippines operates on the principle of delegated sovereignty. The citizens take care of themselves and their families and a few others are elected or appointed in government positions to ensure that the rights and liberties of the citizens are protected and upheld. Those who violate the citizens’ trust should be prosecuted and punished. President Aquino said something like that in his inaugural speech. There will be no reconciliation without justice, he said. And he has a good benchmark that he could use to measure his level of performance in this regard. Arroyo prosecuted Estrada, who was found guilty of plunder by a Special Division of the Sandiganbayan but managed to get a presidential pardon by what some people call political intervention.

Mr. Aquino espouses no clear political and economic ideology; hence, no expected clear economic and political agenda. His main message in his inaugural speech is good governance: one that is dedicated, transparent, effective, efficient, consultative, equitable, predictable, and subservient to the will of the people. This is his main tool to pursue reform, build infrastructure, provide employment, raise revenue collection, promote quality education, provide health services, establish safe communities, and strengthen the police and the military.

In other words, he wants to plug the holes and put in place what should have been there. This is firefighting all over again, although not in the same category as her mother did. But, may be, this is the first thing that should be done. Before one can think out of the box, sometimes one has to stay inside the box until one realizes that the box is no good at all.

Post-election Thesis

“In order to become the master, the politician poses as the servant.”

- Charles de Gaulle

It is probable that many Filipinos hope that there will be good changes that will happen now that we almost have a new incoming administration. My thesis is simple: such changes will not happen in six years. At best, what the incoming administration can do is restore the public’s trust to government and regain the confidence of the business sector.

If the incoming administration can demonstrate that it understands the problems of the country and offers the appropriate responses, then it is possible that this country will see improving conditions in 2016. I doubt that this will happen given the motherhood statements in the political platform of the Liberal Party.

First Things First. The President Should Step Down. What If She Won’t Resign?

The perception that she rigged the results of the elections puts a cloud of doubt over Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo's ability to lead this country. The Vice President will then take over the reigns of government, steer the bureaucracy forward and salvage whatever credibility is left of the government. Only then can we go back to the political table and decide on the best way to preside over the destiny of this country.


What about if the President won’t resign?


I propose that we ignore her. Let the politicized sectors of our society engage the President and her ilk in a protracted but non-violent confrontation until a tipping point is reached.
At the same time, the rest of us should focus our remaining energy in solving problems that will benefit the lives of actual and real people by working with the local government units and the communities.


Forest regeneration should be top of the agenda. With less than twenty percent forest cover, we cannot sustain the productivity of our farm lands, we cannot have natural protection against destructive typhoons and heavy rains, and we cannot improve the supply of our fish stock. We should plant native species of trees to re-green all our communities by at least 60 percent.


Rehabilitation of the marine ecological system comes next. Some studies point out that the Philippines is “the center of the center” of the world’s marine biology. We should, therefore, support Atty. Antonio A. Oposa Jr. and his partners in “cleaning up our mess” and then in protecting the Visayan Sea and other marine sanctuaries to ensure a stable and sustainable supply of fish for all Filipinos.


Promotion of ecotourism comes third. Yes, we have natural endowments that have attracted local and international tourists but tourists do not go to these places if their personal safety is threatened, if transportation is difficult, if the ecological systems are degraded, and if our taxi drivers behave like hold-uppers. In other words, there are many things that we need to put in place to make the promise of ecotourism a reality rather than a figment of our imagination.


There are other things that are equally important. Fighting graft and corruption, improving the conduct of our elections, providing basic social services, preventing crimes and punishing criminals, etc. are manifestations of good and effective governance. I propose that we let GMA tackle these issues. Anyway, it will take her entire lifetime to clean up the bureaucracy judging from her performance levels these past years.


Recently, however, GMA has asked the Department of Budget and Management to rate the performance of 17 agencies that have undergone the integrity development review or assessment of their strengths and vulnerabilities to corruption. I am hopeful that she will eventually rate the performance of all government agencies, including the local government units. Soon, she will intensify her earlier pronouncement enjoining government organizations to install their respective quality management systems and have these certified by independent auditors. After that, the National Economic Development Authority will include social and economic indicators or perhaps sustainable development indicators in the government organization performance assessment system.


I am conservative but hopeful that there will be continuous improvement in our governance system. What I am worried about is our ecological system. And this is the area that requires all our talents and energies. We don’t need a president like GMA to rehabilitate our forest. The Boholanos in Tubigon, Bohol won an award for their community-based mangrove plantation despite being neglected in the past by Malacanang occupants. The coastal town of Buswanga in Palawan has also maintained good quality mangroves despite the mediocre performance of the Palawan Council for Sustainable Development. Some of our indigenous communities have successfully opposed mining operations despite the insistence of the Department of Environment and Natural Resources that mining will generate revenue for the country.


Our environment is a matter of life and death, especially for our descendants. Nobody should mess with us as far as ecological health is concerned. If our environment is continuously degraded, we can’t just simply point accusing fingers to GMA or to the bystanders at DENR. We can only blame ourselves, as individuals and as a collectivity. Our descendants will not blame the presidents of our generation for whatever ecological tragedy they will face. They will blame us, their parents.


Come on people. Leave GMA alone. She has left us already. The next administration will go after her. If not, the Firm will.

Jose Rizal and Education

What makes Rizal current and significant is the idea that intelligence is the best weapon and that spirit is the best force in life. He became an intellectual by studying, absorbing and reflecting on ideas that he gained from school and experience and by using his intellect to formulate solutions to the problems that the country faced during his time. 


He did not stop there. He embodied his ideas by risking his life and ultimately offering it to the sacred altar of freedom.

Today, the Secretary of the Department of Education, Mr. Jesli Lapus, was quoted in the newspapers as lamenting the current state of education in the country. He says that education has sunk to its lowest level. He is not just talking about the low pay and the limited school buildings and facilities. He is also talking about the low level of competency of most of the teachers.

It is certain that Mr. Lapus knows what he is talking about. He knows too that the problem is systemic and the product of several years of neglect.

However, it should also be pointed out that the capability of the students is also an important factor in the process of producing outstanding graduates.

The question is: Do we have students who have the intelligence and spirit of Rizal?

Several young people, like Rizal, have offered their lives in the struggle against the Marcos dictatorship, for instance. It is safe to assume, therefore, that the Filipinos are not lacking in spirit. Now, is it safe to assume that anyone out there has the solution to the country’s problems? This is the question that I’d like to invite you to think about.

Happy New Year po!

Adrian Cristobal, intellectual

I do not know Adrian Cristobal personally. It doesn’t matter to me that he wrote for Marcos. Or that he earned awards and honorary doctorates from two or more universities. I read at one time that he delivered a lecture on the philosophy of St. Thomas Aquinas at the University of Santo Tomas. In one of the news stories about his death, I learned that he once served as a full professor of the University of the Philippines despite (or in spite) being a college drop out from the same institution. I have a high regard for the man as an intellectual, which Wikipedia defines as “one who tries to use his or her intellect to work, study, reflect, speculate, or ask and answer questions about a wide variety of different ideas.”

As a columnist of the Philippine Daily Inquirer, Manila Bulletin and the Philippine Graphic, Cristobal asked questions about age, death, politics, economics, philosophy, theology, etc. He was one writer who could allow the reader to see the difficult questions behind simple things, such as when he sort of told Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo that there’s no truth to the statement that it’s lonely up there when you’re on top of the political ladder as president. He could also be sarcastic. At one time he wrote about a group that informed him of his nomination for best opinion writer. When asked to submit at least five of his columns and an endorsement from his publisher, he did not just simply say no. Instead, he used his pen to dismantle the false but hidden arguments behind the invitation.

Cristobal wrote like Nietzsche and Camus, who were among his favorite writers. He defended the superiority of prose because, he says, it is not easy to comfort or inflict a reader with every sentence that he reads. 


True to his word, Cristobal delights his readers with every sentence in his columns. There’s no need for him to write about big ideas or controversial issues to make his columns interesting. He could make something ordinary interesting and make something interesting ordinary. 


Cristobal’s ideas on print will surely be missed by those who have become accustomed to his style of writing.

About the picture: Temenos #9: The Writer; Oil, Acrylic on Canvas; 29 15/16 in x 40 in; Collection of Jason Hughes)

The Birth of Jesus and the Slaughter of the Innocents

That the birth of Jesus Christ upset and troubled not a few political leaders of the Roman Empire is a perspective that has current significance in Philippine politics. The number of persons killed under the administration of Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo is not certain. Similarly, the number of children who were ordered killed by Herod is also not certain. Some sources estimated that as many as 64,000 boys were killed, although modern writers have reduced this number to twenty or so. Some human rights groups in the Philippines claim that nearly 800 people, who have denounced the policies of Malacanang, have been executed since 2004. Some sources say the number is lower than thirty.

The number of persons killed, regrettably, is not the core issue. One death that is sanctioned by any instrumentality of the State is enough to render a judgment on the moral significance of the action. The State's instrumentality cannot kill any citizen on whatever ground outside the rule of law. Thus, any instrumentality of the State that is responsible for any form of extra-judicial killing is legally and morally accountable to the State. Failure on the part of the government to go after the perpetrators of such crimes and mete out the appropriate penalty is a sign of moral and legal indifference. That effectively makes the policy of the administration to defer the implementation of the death penalty law an empty rhetoric.

Picture is taken from http://images.google.com

Bribery, Pay-offs and the GMA Bonus

Sometime this year, the government, through the Office of the Ombudsman and the Presidential Anti-Graft Commission, which are both headed by women who are not on talking terms, issued strong statements in reaction to a banner story of the Philippine Daily Inquirer that big time corruption is on the rise.

After the denials, the Senate of the Philippines conducted hearings, in aid of legislation, regarding the multi-million dollar ZTE project that was supposed to be implemented by the Department of Transportation and Communications, in partnership with a Chinese firm. The investigations turned nasty. At one point, a Senator asked one of those investigated, the Chairman of the Commission on Elections, if the content of a “text” message was true. The message alleged that the person under investigation is the father of the child of a young woman, who is not his wife. There were other twists and turns that marred the investigations. Eventually, the Chairman of the Commission on Elections resigned.

The ZTE investigations were followed by another scandal that rocked the Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo administration. This involved the giving of cash gifts ranging from 300,000 to 500,000 pesos to selected elected officials, such as the provincial governors, who attended a meeting with the President in Malacanang Palace. Non-governmental sectors of society scorned the distribution of money. They said the President used public funds to thank her supporters for killing the impeachment complaint filed against her in the House of Representatives.

No law has been drafted as a result of the ZTE investigations. Nobody is sent to jail after the investigations of the alleged pay-off in the Palace.

A few days ago, after plucking the rebels out of the Manila Peninsula, Malacanang announced the release of the ten thousand pesos bonus for each employee of the government. Seventy percent of this amount will come from the Department of Budget of Management. The remaining amount will be taken from the savings of the respective government organizations. The President directed the Department of Budget and Management to formulate the implementing rules and regulations of the order.

The bonus translates to 833 pesos per month. That is an average of 28 pesos per day, more or less. 


Assuming that the average take-home pay of each government employee in Metro Manila is 15,000 pesos per month, each employee should have received a total of 205,000 pesos by end of 2007. That is inclusive of the 13th month pay and the announced “GMA” bonus.

Divided by 12 months, the 205,000 pesos is 17,083 per month or about 570 pesos per day. If an average government employee has six members in his or her family, and assuming that s/he is the sole bread winner in the family, each member of the family has a budget of 114 pesos daily.

Each member of the family approximately pays 40 pesos per day for water and electric bills. Meanwhile, a minimum of 30 pesos is the per capita budget for food. This is based on the assumption that everyone eats food that is cooked in each household. If the family is renting a room at 2,500 per month, each member of the family pays 14 pesos per day.

After deducting the daily per capita expenses for utilities, food and rent, each family has an excess of 30 pesos, more or less, or five pesos per person. If the bread winner of the family goes to work using public transport, s/he spends a minimum of 15 pesos per day. If at least one child goes to school using public transport, s/he spends 15 pesos per day. 


Assuming that the bread winner and the school child do not leave the house during weekends, the family saves about 240 pesos every month or about eight pesos every day. The savings will then be used to buy soap, shampoo, toothpaste, and perfume, among others, subject to the availability of the saved amount.

Have you wondered why government is prone to corruption? Are you now beginning to see why small bonuses given to hundreds of thousands of government employees are not perceived at all as a form of pay-off in the same manner that the alleged bribery in Malacanang is treated in media? Did you know that any amount saved in government organizations means the non-delivery of a form of public service? Did you know that government organizations, in general, deliberately set aside an amount for savings that can be used as counterpart fund in response, for instance, to a mandatory “GMA” bonus.

It is high time for government to improve the salary structure of its officials and employees. This is not the cure to corruption, for sure. This is just a step forward. This can raise their morale and reduce their indebtedness. This can also encourage competent men and women outside government service to take a career as a public servant.

Let this call be, at the very least, one of the immediate outcomes of the investigations initiated by the Congress of the Republic of the Philippines and the Executive Department.

Sumilao Farmers and Human Rights

Today, Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo, president of the Philippines, is quoted in newspapers as giving the Sumilao farmers land ownership to the disputed 144 hectares of farm land. The decision came after the farmers marched 1,700 kilometers in a period of two months. The farmer’s representatives met with Arroyo earlier.

The rights-based approach (RBA) to development aims to make people capable of choosing, determining and pursuing the economic, social, cultural and political process by which to fulfill their human rights. Its standards for development initiatives are the established and accepted human rights. RBA is guided by four fundamental principles: One, the human person is the subject, participant, owner, director and beneficiary of development; two, development and its process are based on human rights principles; three,development and its process should respect the normative content of human rights, and, four, development and its process should be coherent with the levels and natures of a state’s human rights obligations.

RBA is premised on the notion of poverty as powerlessness rather than a mere lack of commodities and services. This idea is consistent to Amartya Sen’s definition of poverty as the absence or inadequate realization of certain basic freedoms, such as the freedoms to avoid hunger, disease, illiteracy, and so on. RBA is also attuned to the conclusion of a World Bank study that “development should ultimately increase people’s freedom to live the life they value.”

In Thomistic philosophy, human rights are those that are due to a person; thus the goal of development is the fulfillment of human rights or justice. As such, development is demandable and holds the instrumentalities of the state accountable if the demand of justice is not fulfilled. Poverty, including the denial of the right to own a land to qualified beneficiaries of the Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Program, violates human rights; hence, the instrumentalities of the state that are responsible for such poverty are liable for committing an injustice. Under the Thomistic theory of human rights, RBA demands that the instrumentalities of the state promote development though the heavens fall!

Although human rights can be traced to ancient, medieval, modern and postmodern political theories from the east and the west, the current human rights regime is built on various theoretical foundations. According to Varun Gauri,

Because social rights and, more broadly, human rights are established on several different foundations, there exist disagreements regarding their content and form. A foundation for social rights based on dignity, for example, might suggest a stronger principle of equality than one based on agency, which only requires that individuals enjoy the minimal social infrastructure necessary to articulate and enact a life plan. What people have a right to, whether people can hold rights without a designated person or entity bearing a duty to fulfill or protect those rights, and whether or not rights exist prior to their legal establishment are all controversial topics (Sen 2000). What people have rights to, for instance, has evolved (Varun Gauri, Social Rights and Economics Claims to Health Care and Education in Developing Countries, March 2003).

Given the pluralism of the theoretical foundations of human rights, which one should be applied in the case of the Sumilao farmers? Can we say for certain that Arroyo is morally justified to give the land to the farmers? Is Arroyo telling us that we could only get justice if we demand and fight for it? Should the government not be punished for the delayed delivery of justice?